Hi Mr. McGee, I'm Robert Rath, the author of "The China Syndrome [http://www.escapistmagazine.com/articles/view/columns/criticalintel/9960-The-China-Syndrome]." I'm glad that you took the time out of your schedule to respond to my column--part of the reason I started writing Critical Intel in the first place was to foster more discussion about how games interact with the world, especially internationally. This is why I've written on everything from the depiction of the Mexican Cartel War, to Ubisoft's use of history in Assassin's Creed, to conflict minerals in console manufacturing, and it's why I wrote about companies altering their products to access the Chinese market.
While I disagree with your assessment of that particular column, I'm very glad that international game development is being discussed in any context, even if it's at my expense. As an industry figure, it's important that someone of your stature speaks about your experiences as a Chinese-based game developer, since it's a valuable part of the discussion of international game policies and localization.
In fact, I wish you had contacted me directly, since I would've gladly featured your opinions on "The China Syndrome," unedited and in full, in a follow-up Critical Intel column. I've never claimed to be the final authority on any issue, and I hope to revisit topics covered in Critical Intel months or even years down the road as those topics change and evolve. I fundamentally believe that more information is better than less--and even more crucially--that several perspectives are better than one.
That said, I would like to point out a few things in your interview that misstated or misrepresented what I said in my column. I feel confident that these misrepresentations were accidental on your part, and probably stem from your personal passion for the topic and the fact that there was likely a period of time between you reading the column and discussing it here.
For example, you characterized my example of Homefront as a "straw man" argument I based on a Kotaku article, and claim that my column said the Chinese government "pressured" THQ. Consider the quote:
Likely, this concern on the part of THQ executives came from a period in the 1990s when China broke off business ties for several years with major film companies over movies critical of the Chinese government such as Red Corner, Seven Years in Tibet, and Kundun. In the last two examples, members of the cast and crew including Brad Pitt and Martin Scorsese were, in fact, banned from entering China for their participation in these films. Now I'm not claiming the Chinese government would've banned THQ executives from entering China--I found that a little farfetched myself, and probably could've contextualized that quote better--but that assertion was not mine, and came from a quote from an employee at THQ's now-defunct subsidiary Kaos Studios. Therefore, even if their executives wouldn't get banned in actuality, THQ at least had a perception that they might based on past behavior by the Chinese government. Now we can have a discussion about whether this fear was realistic or not, and discuss whether or not western companies are making business decisions based on a dated view of Chinese government policies (Seven Years in Tibet and Kundun were fifteen years ago, after all) but that's different than saying the incident doesn't merit discussion.
In addition, I'd like to challenge your assertion that my piece was not well researched. While I sourced a single quote from Kotaku, I also linked articles and text from the Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, China Daily, Variety, Forbes, Reuters, the Chinese Ministry of Culture website, and the Chinese General Administration of Press and Publications website. These links were only a fraction of my research, which also included material from the BBC, NPR, South China Morning Post, Amnesty International, CBS News, and a report on North Korea's military capabilities prepared by the Defense Intelligence Agency. By only engaging with the Kotaku example, you've unintentionally created a perception that I don't thoroughly research my articles. Part of my founding mission with Critical Intel has been to source good information from reputable outlets both inside and outside the game industry, and I stand by my work in that regard.
Separately from the discussion about research, I'd also like to address your claim that I called Chinese regulations "intolerant." See the quote below:
As for the tone of the column, I can only request that you read it again. While allowing that I don't know everything about bringing western games to the Chinese market, I stand by it and believe it holds up to scrutiny. In my view the tone is fair, and I made every effort to shy away from sensationalism. While I realize the text does not reflect your personal experiences in dealing with the Ministry of Culture, I would like to suggest that the type of games Spicy Horse makes are generally set in fantasy worlds, apolitical in nature, and are unlikely to confront the same issues as Homefront or even Football Manager 2005, which was banned for depicting Tibetan and Hong Kong national teams.
Again, I value your perspective on this topic and I'm glad you freely expressed your opinion, but I suggest that what's happening here isn't me pushing an agenda or being ill-informed, but that the two of us have a difference of opinion. I believe, based on the evidence I collected, that game developers and filmmakers alter their content to avoid the MoC bans that have affected other games and movies in the past. You believe this is not a concern based on your experiences dealing with the MoC. Basically, we hold differing positions that aren't even necessarily incompatible, since it's entirely possible that game developers change their games based on fears that, as you suggest, may be unfounded. Does the MoC engage in trade protection to help Chinese products? Absolutely. However, it's also undeniable that the MoC reacts with hostility toward games and movies that blacken the image of China or contradict territorial claims to Tibet and Taiwan. I still assert that banning games with political content is not trade protection, it's censorship, and that this has led to instances of self-correction by western game developers who wish to access the Chinese market. Whether that's a bad thing or not is up to the readers to debate and decide--I see some positives, the curbing of anti-China xenophobia for instance--and my only agenda in writing "The China Syndrome" was to point out that this self-correction occurs.
Despite our difference of opinion, I really want to thank you for reading Critical Intel, Mr. McGee. Nothing could make me happier than seeing my column provoke discussion on international issues, especially when it comes from someone with a different perspective. As I mentioned before, part of Critical Intel's mission is to showcase different points of view on a topic. I fundamentally believe that more information is better than less--and even more crucially--that several perspectives are better than one.
Best regards,
Robert Rath
PS: Loved Alice.
While I disagree with your assessment of that particular column, I'm very glad that international game development is being discussed in any context, even if it's at my expense. As an industry figure, it's important that someone of your stature speaks about your experiences as a Chinese-based game developer, since it's a valuable part of the discussion of international game policies and localization.
In fact, I wish you had contacted me directly, since I would've gladly featured your opinions on "The China Syndrome," unedited and in full, in a follow-up Critical Intel column. I've never claimed to be the final authority on any issue, and I hope to revisit topics covered in Critical Intel months or even years down the road as those topics change and evolve. I fundamentally believe that more information is better than less--and even more crucially--that several perspectives are better than one.
That said, I would like to point out a few things in your interview that misstated or misrepresented what I said in my column. I feel confident that these misrepresentations were accidental on your part, and probably stem from your personal passion for the topic and the fact that there was likely a period of time between you reading the column and discussing it here.
For example, you characterized my example of Homefront as a "straw man" argument I based on a Kotaku article, and claim that my column said the Chinese government "pressured" THQ. Consider the quote:
You are indeed correct that I used the Kotaku article as a source for a quote about the development of Homefront. However, I never asserted that the Chinese government exerted pressure on THQ. In fact the whole point of the article is that western companies (both in the game and film industries) make voluntary changes to their material early in the development process in order to excise material they perceive will get their content banned by the Ministry of Culture. That's very different from claiming the Chinese government pressures them.American McGee said:AM: Before getting to your questions I need to first knock down the Homefront straw man. It appears the writer used this piece from Kotaku as his source. First off, Homefront was never intended to sell to a Chinese audience. There was no "pressure" from the Chinese government. And being a 360/PS3 game, it isn't allowed for sale in China, regardless of content - just as all 360/PS3 games are banned from sale in China and have been for 10+ years.
Next, the suggestion that the "exec team will be banned from entering into China" is ridiculous. As if some Chinese government department spends time researching which Western videogame (which only sell in the West) might offend and then links publisher executives to the title and bans those executives from entering the country? This would be akin to the ESRB (yes, I know it's not a government agency, but you can't go to retail in the US without it) maintaining a list of which Japanese developers participated in the creation of Japanese-only "Schoolgirl Up-Skirt Mosquito Adventure" and ask the TSA to ban them from entering the US.
Likely, this concern on the part of THQ executives came from a period in the 1990s when China broke off business ties for several years with major film companies over movies critical of the Chinese government such as Red Corner, Seven Years in Tibet, and Kundun. In the last two examples, members of the cast and crew including Brad Pitt and Martin Scorsese were, in fact, banned from entering China for their participation in these films. Now I'm not claiming the Chinese government would've banned THQ executives from entering China--I found that a little farfetched myself, and probably could've contextualized that quote better--but that assertion was not mine, and came from a quote from an employee at THQ's now-defunct subsidiary Kaos Studios. Therefore, even if their executives wouldn't get banned in actuality, THQ at least had a perception that they might based on past behavior by the Chinese government. Now we can have a discussion about whether this fear was realistic or not, and discuss whether or not western companies are making business decisions based on a dated view of Chinese government policies (Seven Years in Tibet and Kundun were fifteen years ago, after all) but that's different than saying the incident doesn't merit discussion.
In addition, I'd like to challenge your assertion that my piece was not well researched. While I sourced a single quote from Kotaku, I also linked articles and text from the Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, China Daily, Variety, Forbes, Reuters, the Chinese Ministry of Culture website, and the Chinese General Administration of Press and Publications website. These links were only a fraction of my research, which also included material from the BBC, NPR, South China Morning Post, Amnesty International, CBS News, and a report on North Korea's military capabilities prepared by the Defense Intelligence Agency. By only engaging with the Kotaku example, you've unintentionally created a perception that I don't thoroughly research my articles. Part of my founding mission with Critical Intel has been to source good information from reputable outlets both inside and outside the game industry, and I stand by my work in that regard.
Separately from the discussion about research, I'd also like to address your claim that I called Chinese regulations "intolerant." See the quote below:
I confess I'm a little puzzled by this statement, since after re-reading "The China Syndrome," and performing several searches on both the published text and drafts, I have not found any use of the word "intolerant." My suspicion is that you misremembered or misread this detail, or misspoke and meant to claim that the general tone of the article cast the Ministry of Culture as intolerant. That's an understandable mistake, but I admit a certain frustration at having a word attributed to me when it's easy to verify that I never used it.American McGee said:The Chinese have regulations - same as most places in the world. That those regulations don't align with our expectations shouldn't invite words like "intolerant". This is just bad reporting. Who are we to dictate what's acceptable when it comes to content guidelines in countries other than our own? [My emphasis.]
As for the tone of the column, I can only request that you read it again. While allowing that I don't know everything about bringing western games to the Chinese market, I stand by it and believe it holds up to scrutiny. In my view the tone is fair, and I made every effort to shy away from sensationalism. While I realize the text does not reflect your personal experiences in dealing with the Ministry of Culture, I would like to suggest that the type of games Spicy Horse makes are generally set in fantasy worlds, apolitical in nature, and are unlikely to confront the same issues as Homefront or even Football Manager 2005, which was banned for depicting Tibetan and Hong Kong national teams.
Again, I value your perspective on this topic and I'm glad you freely expressed your opinion, but I suggest that what's happening here isn't me pushing an agenda or being ill-informed, but that the two of us have a difference of opinion. I believe, based on the evidence I collected, that game developers and filmmakers alter their content to avoid the MoC bans that have affected other games and movies in the past. You believe this is not a concern based on your experiences dealing with the MoC. Basically, we hold differing positions that aren't even necessarily incompatible, since it's entirely possible that game developers change their games based on fears that, as you suggest, may be unfounded. Does the MoC engage in trade protection to help Chinese products? Absolutely. However, it's also undeniable that the MoC reacts with hostility toward games and movies that blacken the image of China or contradict territorial claims to Tibet and Taiwan. I still assert that banning games with political content is not trade protection, it's censorship, and that this has led to instances of self-correction by western game developers who wish to access the Chinese market. Whether that's a bad thing or not is up to the readers to debate and decide--I see some positives, the curbing of anti-China xenophobia for instance--and my only agenda in writing "The China Syndrome" was to point out that this self-correction occurs.
Despite our difference of opinion, I really want to thank you for reading Critical Intel, Mr. McGee. Nothing could make me happier than seeing my column provoke discussion on international issues, especially when it comes from someone with a different perspective. As I mentioned before, part of Critical Intel's mission is to showcase different points of view on a topic. I fundamentally believe that more information is better than less--and even more crucially--that several perspectives are better than one.
Best regards,
Robert Rath
PS: Loved Alice.