Closer to our time, Yasuhiro Nakasone, Japan’s nationalist premier during the Reagan years, famously pledged to make his country America’s “unsinkable aircraft carrier in the Pacific.” This was in 1983, just as President Reagan was intently re-escalating tensions with the Soviet Union after a period of détente. Reagan and his national-security people—neoconservatives very prominent among them—were especially fond of aircraft carriers made of land. While serving as Reagan’s secretary of state,
Alexander Haig called Israel “the largest American aircraft carrier in the world that cannot be sunk.”
There is a useful lesson in this history. Haig, a four-star general who had also served as chief of staff in the Nixon White House, understood: The Zionist state exercises extraordinary influence in Washington by way of what we call the Israel lobby: There can be no underestimating this. But Israel is at bottom an instrument of American power, just as Japan has been since its 1945 defeat: It is peripheral, not metropolitan—the machine, not the operator.
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Neoconservatives, it is well to remind ourselves, are not in the habit of letting America’s clients dictate to them. They are in the habit of imposing American dominance on others irrespective of all legalities or norms or notions of common decency. And their givenness to letting proxies on the ground do the wet work, as the phrase goes in intelligence circles, is well documented. One need look no further than the Biden regime’s shameful encouragement of the Israelis’ terror campaign in Gaza, and now in Lebanon, for a case in point.
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The world has wondered for years whether the Israelis will attack Iran, which the Zionist regime has long considered its archenemy in the region. It took Israel 25 days to retaliate after the Islamic Republic’s 1 October missile attack on Israel in response to Hassan Nasrallah’s assassination. It was, once again, a carefully calibrated operation. The I.D.F., we must note, did exactly what the Biden White House asked when it, the I.D.F., avoided hitting Iran’s nuclear facilities and its extensive oil-production infrastructure.
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But if Tel Aviv and Tehran remain in tit-for-tat territory, the prospect of a decisive Israeli attack on the Islamic Republic is still closer to a “when” than an “if.” And I would say the odds are likely to worsen as Trump reoccupies the White House. Any such aggression against Iran, especially if Trump blesses it, would bear implications so extensive as instantly to transform the regional war Israel is obviously intent on waging into a global conflict.
Again to be noted: As Israel contemplated its reply to Iran’s retaliation of 1 October, Biden’s national-security people made their approval implicitly but very clear, notably by sending the I.D.F. an advanced missile-defense system and the technicians needed to operate it. This, to lend specificity to the above-noted point, is the kind of thing Biden’s neocons will leave to Trump’s.
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Official Washington, the media that serve it, and the research institutes that do a great deal of its thinking will continue to show us the perspiration that breaks out on their brows as the Israelis proceed with their savage war against its neighbors. The reality is very different and not at all difficult to explain: It may look as if Israel acts in defiance of Washington’s wishes—just as it is supposed to look—but this is calculated appearance. There is no such defiance, in my interpretation. The Zionist regime is simply doing the wet work in behalf of U.S. policy across West Asia. Israel’s indifference to international law and humanity’s accepted norms is a local reflection of America’s.
Context and some history are necessary to an understanding of this reality. We find both as we consider the role of neoconservatives in the formation and execution of U.S. foreign policy in West Asia. This influence has been especially pronounced during the post–Cold War decades and, certainly, since the events of 11 September 2001.
Neoconservatism has its roots in the 1940s, when figures such as Irving Kristol were students at City College, where, amid a celebrated interim of intellectual ferment, neoconservative thinking can be said to have congealed into a sort of informal movement. As a matter of cultural history, City College, located in Upper Manhattan, was where a large number of New York Jews received their higher educations during and subsequent to Kristol’s time. I note this detail not as a matter of anti–Semitic thematization but as a matter of fact, one that is significant for its bearing on the present crisis: As neoconservatives began, in later years, to assume positions of power and influence, Zionists or Zionist fellow travelers with unreserved sympathies for Israel were prominent among them. The Israel lobby, to put a complex matter simply, was never far.
A singular moment in the evolution of the neoconservative movement came in 1997, with the formation of the Project for a New American Century. Dick Cheney, the future vice-president, William Kristol, Irving’s son and an influential voice in Washington media, and Robert Kagan, another neocon commentator and an advocate of a vigorously interventionist foreign policy, were among its founders. P.N.A.C.’s power grew quickly to astonishing proportions. Nearly a dozen P.N.A.C. members held senior foreign policy positions in the administration of George W. Bush.
The events of 11 September proved a considerable boost for P.N.A.C. and the broader neoconservative movement. Both advocated, strenuously and with obvious success, invading Iraq and deposing Saddam Hussein. The ambition here was exceptionally large: The neocons, who had by this time put a lasting stamp on U.S. policy, saw Operation Iraqi Freedom as America’s move to implant democracy in the region and, as the phrase still has it, “remake the Middle East.”
The notion of remaking West Asia in the American image has over the years acquired various critics, some in organizations that once favored such aspirations. This is due to the policy framework’s many failures and messes.
Foreign Policy, the quarterly journal, published “
The U.S. Needs a New Purpose in the Middle East” last June. The Council on Foreign Relations put out a paper titled “
It’s Time to Renew America’s Purpose in the Middle East” on the same day—celebrating the thinking of the same scholar, Steven Cook. The post–Cold War decades were “marked by costly and unrealistic efforts,” Cook argues. “It’s time to ditch romantic ideals of remaking the region.” The project is to settle on “a set of achievable goals” determined according to a stricter conception of American interests.
You get this kind of thing routinely out of Washington: sweeping rhetoric urging profound change but amounting to calls for adjustments in the grand plan to preserve American hegemony in whatever region may be at issue. Let us nonetheless find use in the critiques of these organizations and their publications by making of them a mirror: In it we see the full, unfortunate extent to which the neoconservative project continues to define America’s ambitions in the region and so the fundamentals of American policy.
The Biden regime has not once condemned Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, or its attacks on the U.N. presence there, or the Israelis’ flouting again and again of international law. It was less than a month ago that the Biden White House authorized the Pentagon to send Israel the advanced missile-defense system mentioned earlier, known as Terminal High–Altitude Area Defense, or THAAD, along with 100 troops trained to operate it. This cannot be read as other than tacit approval of the Israelis’ apparent plans to attack Iran—and a signal that the U.S. will support such a reckless campaign.
Neither is there any alternative way to read Israel’s role as the executor, for now and for who knows how long, of American policy. All that it is doing—even if Washington would like it to act with less brutality—is in keeping with America’s established objectives. Israel proposes to make itself a sort of regional hegemon: This is just as the U.S. wants it to be, just as the neoconservative cliques envision the future. The Zionist regime’s indifference to international law and humanity’s accepted norms is a local reflection of America’s.
We witness, to make this point another way, a West Asian version of “the international rules-based order” the U.S. will continue to impose upon the world until it is forced, one or another way, to stop. Zionist extremism is useful in this cause, just as the neoconservatives once found al–Qaeda useful and the Islamic State after it.
Bibi Netanyahu is effectively a surfer, riding the wave neoconservatives and their allies set in motion decades ago. Remember
when he addressed a joint session of Congress, last July, for the fourth time? He got 72 ovations, 60–odd of them standing: I know, I counted. Let us understand that moment as it was. Congress was not applauding a leader. It was applauding a loyal servant. As the Biden regime departs and Trump’s arrives, it is important to be perfectly clear on this point.
Is it fair to say neoconservatism is what America got instead of the promise of the Kennedy years? This seems to me a sad but valid judgment if we consider the movement’s genesis and history. It follows, however horrible the thought, that Donald Trump is what America gets in 2024 instead of a never-arrived political descendant of the Kenndys, Jack and Bobby, and all they came to stand for before they met their ends.